[IMC-Editorial] Fwd: operation mockingbird

Sheri Herndon sheri at indymedia.org
Tue Oct 9 23:44:14 PDT 2001

>The Subversion Of The Free Press By The CIA
>"You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call girl, for a
>couple hundred dollars a month." CIA operative discussing with Philip
>Graham, editor Washington Post, on the availability and prices of
>journalists willing to peddle CIA propaganda and cover stories.
>"Katherine The Great," by Deborah Davis (New York: Sheridan Square
>Press, 1991)
>As terrible as it is to live in a nation where the press in known to
>be controlled by the government, at least one has the advantage of
>knowing the bias is present, and to adjust for it. In the United
>States of America, we are taught from birth that our press is free
>from such government meddling. This is an insideous lie about the
>very nature of the news institution in this country. One that allows
>government to lie to us while denying the very fact of the lie itself.
>The Alex Constantine Article
>Tales from the Crypt
>The Depraved Spies and Moguls
>of the CIA's Operation MOCKINGBIRD
>by Alex Constantine
>    Who Controls the Media?
>    Soulless corporations do, of course. Corporations with grinning,
>    double-breasted executives, interlocking directorates, labor squabbles
>    and flying capital. Dow. General Electric. Coca-Cola. Disney.
>    Newspapers should have mastheads that mirror the world: The
>    Westinghouse Evening Scimitar, The Atlantic-Richfield Intelligentser .
>    It is beginning to dawn on a growing number of armchair ombudsmen that
>    the public print reports news from a parallel universe - one that has
>    never heard of politically-motivated assassinations, CIA-Mafia banking
>    thefts, mind control, death squads or even federal agencies with
>    secret budgets fattened by cocaine sales - a place overrun by lone
>    gunmen, where the CIA and Mafia are usually on their best behavior. In
>    this idyllic land, the most serious infraction an official can commit
>    __is a the employment of a domestic servant with (shudder) no
>    residency status.
>    This unlikely land of enchantment is the creation of MOCKINGBIRD.
>    It was conceived in the late 1940s, the most frigid period of the cold
>    war, when the CIA began a systematic infiltration of the corporate
>    media, a process that often included direct takeover of major news
>    outlets.
>    In this period, the American intelligence services competed with
>    communist activists abroad to influence European labor unions. With or
>    without the cooperation of local governments, Frank Wisner, an
>    undercover State Department official assigned to the Foreign Service,
>    rounded up students abroad to enter the cold war underground of covert
>    operations on behalf of his Office of Policy Coordination. Philip
>    Graham, __a graduate of the Army Intelligence School in Harrisburg,
>    PA, then publisher of the Washington Post., was taken under Wisner's
>    wing to direct the program code-named Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
>    "By the early 1950s," writes formerVillage Voice reporter Deborah
>    Davis in Katharine the Great, "Wisner 'owned' respected members of the
>    New York Times, Newsweek, CBS and other communications vehicles, plus
>    stringers, four to six hundred in all, according to a former CIA
>    analyst." The network was overseen by Allen Dulles, a templar for
>    German and American corporations who wanted their points of view
>    represented in the public print. Early MOCKINGBIRD influenced 25
>    newspapers and wire agencies consenting to act as organs of CIA
>    propaganda. Many of these were already run by men with reactionary
>    views, among them William Paley (CBS), C.D. Jackson (Fortune), Henry
>    Luce (Time) and Arthur Hays Sulzberger (N.Y. Times).
>    Activists curious about the workings of MOCKINGBIRD have since been
>    appalled to f__ind in FOIA documents that agents boasting in CIA
>    office memos of their pride in having placed "important assets" inside
>    every major news publication in the country. It was not until 1982
>    that the Agency openly admitted that reporters on the CIA payroll have
>    acted as case officers to agents in the field.
>    "World War III has begun," Henry's Luce's Life declared in March,
>    1947. "It is in the opening skirmish stage already." The issue
>    featured an excerpt of a book by James Burnham, who called for the
>    creation of an "American Empire," "world-dominating in political
>    power, set up at least in part through coercion (probably including
>    war, but certainly the threat of war) and in which one group of people
>    ... would hold more than its equal share of power."
>    George Seldes, the famed anti-fascist media critic, drew down on Luce
>    in 1947, explaining tha__t "although avoiding typical Hitlerian
>    phrases, the same doctrine of a superior people taking over the world
>    and ruling it, began to appear in the press, whereas the organs of
>    Wall Street were much more honest in favoring a doctrine inevitably
>    leading to war if it brought greater commercial markets under the
>    American flag."
>    On the domestic front, an abiding relationship was struck between the
>    CIA and William Paley, a wartime colonel and the founder of CBS. A
>    firm believer in "all forms of propaganda" to foster loyalty to the
>    Pentagon, Paley hired CIA agents to work undercover at the behest of
>    his close friend, the busy grey eminence of the nation's media, Allen
>    Dulles. Paley's designated go-between in his dealings with the CIA was
>    Sig Mickelson, president of CBS News from 1954 to 1961.
>    The CIA's assimilation of old guard fascists was overseen by the
>    Operations Coordination Board, directed by C.D. Jackson, formerly an
>    executive of Time magazine and Eisenhower's Special Assistant for Cold
>    War Strategy. In 1954 he was succeeded by Nelson Rockefeller, who quit
>    a year later, disgusted at the administration's political infighting.
>    Vice President Nixon succeeded Rockefeller as the key cold war
>    strategist.
>    "Nixon," writes John Loftus, a former attorney for the Justice
>    Department's Office of Special Investigations, took "a small boy's
>    delight in the arcane tools of the intelligence craft - the hidden
>    microphones, the 'black' propaganda." Nixon especially enjoyed his
>    visit to a Virginia training camp to observe Nazis in the "special
>    forces" drilling at covert operations.
>    One of the fugitives recruited by the American intelligence
>    underground was heroin smuggler Hubert von Blücher, the son of A
>    German ambassador. Hubert often bragged that that he was trained by
>    the Abwehr, the German military intelligence division, while still a
>    civilian in his twenties. He served in a recon unit of the German Army
>    until forced out for medical reasons in 1944, according to his wartime
>    records. He worked briefly as an assistant director for Berlin-Film on
>    a movie entitled One Day ..., and finished out the war flying with the
>    Luftwaffe, but not to engage the enemy - his mission was the smuggling
>    of Nazi loot out of the country. His exploits were, in part, the
>    subject of Sayer and Botting's Nazi Gold, an account of the knockover
>    of the Reichsbank at the end of the war.
>    In 1948 he flew the coop to Argentina. Posing as a photographer named
>    Huberto von Bleucher Corell, he immediately paid court to Eva Peron,
>    presenting her with an invaluable Gobelin tapestry (a selection from
>    the wealth of artifacts confiscated by the SS from Europe's Jews?).
>    Hubert then met with Martin Bormann at the Hotel Plaza to deliver
>    German marks worth $80 million. The loot financed the birth of the
>    National Socialist Party in Argentina, among other forms of Nazi
>    revival.
>    In 1951, Hubert migrated northward and took a job at the Color
>    Corporation of America in Hollywood. He eked out a living writing
>    scripts for the booming movie industry. His voice can be heard on a
>    film set in the Amazon, produced by Walt Disney. Nine years later he
>    returned to Buenos Aires, then Düsseldorf, West Germany, and
>    established a firm that developed not movie scripts, but anti-chemical
>    warfare agents for the government. At the Industrie Club in Düsseldorf
>    in 1982, von Blücher boasted to journalists, "I am chief shareholder
>    of Pan American Airways. I am the best friend of Howard Hughes. The
>    Beach Hotel in Las Vegas is 45 percent financed by me. I am thus the
>    biggest financier ever to appear in the Arabian Nights tales dreamed
>    up by these people over their second bottle of brandy."
>    Not really. Two the biggest financiers to stumble from the drunken
>    dreams of world-moving affluence were, in their time, Moses Annenberg,
>    publisher of The Philadelphia Inquirer, and his son Walter , the
>    CIA/mob-anchored publisher of the TV Guide.  Like most American
>    high-rollers, Annenberg lived a double life. Moses, his father, was a
>    scion of the Capone mob. Both Moses and Walter were indicted in 1939
>    for tax evasions totalling many millions of dollars - the biggest case
>    in the history of the Justice Department. Moses pled guilty and agreed
>    to pay the government $8 million and settle $9 million in assorted tax
>    claims, penalties and interest debts. Moses received a three-year
>    sentence. He died in Lewisburg Penitentiary.
>    Walter Annenbeg, the TV Guide magnate, was a lofty Republican. On the
>    campaign trail in April, 1988, George Bush flew into Los Angeles to
>    woo Reagan's kitchen cabinet. "This is the topping on the cake,"
>    Bush's regional campaign director told the Los Angeles Times. The Bush
>    team met at Annenberg's plush Rancho Mirage estate at Sunnylands,
>    California. It was at the Annenberg mansion that Nixon's cabinet was
>    chosen, and the state's social and contributor registers built over a
>    quarter-century of state political dominance by Ronald Reagan, whose
>    acting career was launched by Operation MOCKINGBIRD.
>    The commercialization of television, coinciding with Reagan's
>    recruitment by the Crusade for Freedom, a CIA front, presented the
>    intelligence world with unprecedented potential for sowing propaganda
>    and even prying in the age of Big Brother. George Orwell glimpsed the
>    possibilities when he installed omniscient video surveillance
>    technology in 1948, a novel rechristened 1984 for the first edition
>    published in the U.S. by Harcourt, Brace. Operation Octopus, according
>    to federal files, was in full swing by 1948, a surveillance program
>    that turned any television set with tubes into a broadcast
>    transmitter. Agents of Octopus could pick up audio and visual images
>    with the equipment as far as 25 miles away.
>    Hale Boggs was investigating Operation Octopus at the time of his
>    disappearance in the midst of the Watergate probe.
>    In 1952, at MCA, Actors' Guild president Ronald Reagan - a screen idol
>    recruited by MOCKINGBIRD's Crusade for Freedom to raise funds for the
>    resettlement of Nazis in the U.S., according to Loftus - signed a
>    secret waiver of the conflict-of-interest rule with the mob-controlled
>    studio, in effect granting it a labor monopoly on early television
>    programming. In exchange, MCA made Reagan a part owner. Furthermore,
>    historian C. Vann Woodward, writing in the New York Times, in 1987,
>    reported that Reagan had "fed the names of suspect people in his
>    organization to the FBI secretly and regularly enough to be assigned
>    'an informer's code number, T-10.' His FBI file indicates intense
>    collaboration with producers to 'purge' the industry of subversives."
>    No one ever turned a suspicious eye on Walter Cronkite, a former
>    intelligence officer and in the immediate postwar period UPI's Moscow
>    correspondent. Cronkite was lured to CBS by Operation MOCKINGBIRD's
>    Phil Graham, according to Deborah Davis.
>    Another television conglomerate, Cap Cities, rose like a horror-film
>    simian from CIA and Mafia heroin operations. Among other
>    organized-crime Republicans, Thomas Dewey and his neighbor Lowell
>    Thomas threw in to launch the infamous Resorts International, the
>    corporate front for Lansky's branch of the federally-sponsored mob
>    family and the corporate precursor to Cap Cities. Another of the
>    investors was James Crosby, a Cap Cities executive who donated
>    $100,000 to Nixon's 1968 presidential campaign. This was the year that
>    Resorts bought into Atlantic City casino interests. Police in New
>    jersey attempted, with no success, to spike the issuance of a gambling
>    license to the company, citing Mafia ties.
>    In 1954, this same circle of investors, all Catholics, founded the
>    broadcasting company notorious for overt propagandizing and general
>    spookiness. The company's chief counsel was OSS veteran William Casey,
>    who clung to his shares by concealing them in a blind trust even after
>    he was appointed CIA director by Ronald Reagan in 1981.
>    "Black radio" was the phrase CIA critic David Wise coined in The
>    Invisible Government to describe the agency's intertwining interests
>    in the emergence of the transistor radio with the entrepreneurs who
>    took to the airwaves. "Daily, East and West beam hundreds of
>    propaganda broadcasts at each other in an unrelenting babble of
>    competition for the minds of their listeners. The low-price transistor
>    has given the hidden war a new importance," enthused one foreign
>    correspondent.
>    A Hydra of private foundations sprang up to finance the propaganda
>    push. One of them, Operations and Policy Research, Inc. (OPR),
>    received hundreds of thousands of dollars from the CIA through private
>    foundations and trusts. OPR research was the basis of a television
>    series that aired in New York and Washington, D.C. in 1964, Of People
>    and Politics, a "study" of the American political system in 21 weekly
>    installments.
>    In Hollywood, the visual cortex of The Beast, the same CIA/Mafia
>    combination that formed Cap Cities sank its claws into the film
>    studios and labor unions. Johnny Rosselli was pulled out of the Army
>    during the war by a criminal investigation of Chicago mobsters in the
>    film industry. Rosselli, a CIA asset probably assassinated by the CIA,
>    played sidekick to Harry Cohn, the Columbia Pictures mogul who visited
>    Italy's Benito Mussolini in 1933, and upon his return to Hollywood
>    remodeled his office after the dictator's. The only honest job
>    Rosselli ever had was assistant purchasing agent (and a secret
>    investor) at Eagle Lion productions, run by Bryan Foy, a former
>    producer for 20th Century Fox. Rosselli, Capone's representative on
>    the West Coast, passed a small fortune in mafia investments to Cohn.
>    Bugsy Seigel pooled gambling investments with Billy Wilkerson,
>    publisher of the Hollywood Reporter.
>    In the 1950s, outlays for global propaganda climbed to a full third of
>    the CIA's covert operations budget. Some 3, 000 salaried and contract
>    CIA employees were eventually engaged in propaganda efforts. The cost
>    of disinforming the world cost American taxpayers an estimated $265
>    million a year by 1978, a budget larger than the combined expenditures
>    of Reuters, UPI and the AP news syndicates.
>    In 1977, the Copely News Service admitted that it worked closely with
>    the intelligence services - in fact, 23 employees were full-time
>    employees of the Agency.
>    Most consumers of the corporate media were - and are - unaware of the
>    effect that the salting of public opinion has on their own beliefs. A
>    network anchorman in time of national crisis is an instrument of
>    psychological warfare in the MOCKINGBIRD media. He is a creature from
>    the national security sector's chamber of horrors. For this reason
>    consumers of the corporate press have reason to examine their basic
>    beliefs about government and life in the parallel universe of these
>    United States.
>How the Washington Post Censors the News
>[Note: Look for the paragraph indicated by asterisks]
>                   How the Washington Post Censors the News
>                       A Letter to the Washington Post
>                             by Julian C. Holmes
>      _________________________________________________________________
>    April 25, 1992
>    Richard Harwood, Ombudsman
>    The Washington Post
>    1150 15th Street NW
>    Washington, DC 20071
>    Dear Mr. Harwood,
>    Though the Washington Post does not over-extend itself in the pursuit
>    of hard news, just let drop the faintest rumor of a government
>    "conspiracy", and a klaxon horn goes off in the news room. Aroused
>    from apathy in the daily routine of reporting assignations and various
>    other political and social sports events, editors and reporters
>    scramble to the phones. The klaxon screams its warning: the greatest
>    single threat to herd-journalism, corporate profits, and government
>    stability -- the dreaded "CONSPIRACY THEORY"!!
>    It is not known whether anyone has actually been hassled or accosted
>    by any of these frightful spectres, but their presence is announced to
>    Post readers with a salvo of warnings to avoid the tricky, sticky webs
>    spun by the wacko "CONSPIRACY THEORISTS".
>   Recall how the Post saved us from the truth about Iran-Contra.
>    Professional conspiracy exorcist Mark Hosenball was hired to ridicule
>    the idea that Oliver North and his CIA-associated gangsters had
>    conspired to do wrong (*1). And when, in their syndicated column, Jack
>    Anderson and Dale Van Atta discussed some of the conspirators, the
>    Post sprang to protect its readers, and the conspirators, by censoring
>    the Anderson column before printing it (*2).
>    But for some time the lid had been coming off the Iran-Contra
>    conspiracy. In 1986, the Christic Institute, an interfaith center for
>    law and public policy, had filed a lawsuit alleging a U.S.
>    arms-for-drugs trade that helped keep weapons flowing to the
>    CIA-Contra army in Nicaragua, and cocaine flowing to U.S. markets
>    (*3). In 1988 Leslie Cockburn published Out of Control, a seminal work
>    on our bizarre, illegal war against Nicaragua (*4). The Post
>    contributed to this discovery process by disparaging the charges of
>    conspiracy and by publishing false information about the
>    drug-smuggling evidence presented to the House Subcommittee on
>    Narcotics Abuse and Control. When accused by Committee Chairman
>    Charles Rangel (D-NY). of misleading reporting, the Post printed only
>    a partial correction and declined to print a letter of complaint from
>    Rangel (*5).
>    Sworn testimony before Senator John Kerry's Subcommittee on Terrorism,
>    Narcotics, and International Operations confirmed U.S. Government
>    complicity in the drug trade (*6). With its coverup of the arms/drug
>    conspiracy evaporating, the ever-accommodating Post shifted gears and
>    retained Hosenball to exorcise from our minds a newly emerging threat
>    to domestic tranquility, the "October Surprise" conspiracy (*7). But
>    close on the heels of Hosenball and the Post came Barbara Honegger and
>    then Gary Sick who authored independently, two years apart, books with
>    the same title, "October Surprise" (*8). Honegger was a member of the
>    Reagan/Bush campaign and transition teams in 1980. Gary Sick,
>    professor of Middle East Politics at Columbia University, was on the
>    staff of the National Security Council under Presidents Ford, Carter,
>    and Reagan. In 1989 and 1991 respectively, Honegger and Sick published
>    their evidence of how the Republicans made a deal to supply arms to
>    Iran if Iran would delay release of the 52 United States hostages
>    until after the November 1980 election. The purpose of this deal was
>    to quash the possibility of a pre-election release(an October
>    surprise). which would have bolstered the reelection prospects for
>    President Carter.
>    Others published details of this alleged Reagan-Bush conspiracy. In
>    October 1988, Playboy Magazine ran an expose "An Election Held
>    Hostage"; FRONTLINE did another in April 1991 (*9). In June, 1991 a
>    conference of distinguished journalists, joined by 8 of the former
>    hostages, challenged the Congress to "make a full, impartial
>    investigation" of the election/hostage allegations. The Post reported
>    the statement of the hostages, but not a word of the conference itself
>    which was held in the Dirksen Senate Office Building Auditorium (*10).
>    On February 5, 1992 a gun-shy, uninspired House of Representatives
>    begrudgingly authorized an "October Surprise" investigation by a task
>    force of 13 congressmen headed by Lee Hamilton (D-IN). who had chaired
>    the House of Representatives Iran-Contra Committee. Hamilton has named
>    as chief team counsel Larry Barcella, a lawyer who represented BCCI
>    when the Bank was indicted in 1988 (*11).
>    Like the Washington Post, Hamilton had not shown interest in pursuing
>    the U.S. arms-for-drugs operation (*12). He had accepted Oliver
>    North's lies,and as Chairman of the House Intelligence Committee he
>    derailed House Resolution 485 which had asked President Reagan to
>    answer questions about Contra support activities of government
>    officials and others (*13). After CIA operative John
>    Hull (from Hamilton's home state). was charged in Costa Rica with
>    "international drug trafficking and hostile acts against the nation's
>    security", Hamilton and 18 fellow members of Congress tried to
>    intimidate Costa Rican President Oscar Arias Sanchez into handling
>    Hull's case "in a manner that will not complicate U.S.-Costa Rican
>    relations" (*14). The Post did not report the Hamilton letter or the
>    Costa Rican response that declared Hull's case to be "in as good hands
>    as our 100 year old uninterrupted democracy can provide to all
>    citizens" (*15).
>   Though the Post does its best to guide our thinking away from conspiracy
>   theories, it is difficult to avoid the fact that so much wrongdoing involves
>   government or corporate conspiracies:
>      In its COINTELPRO operation, the FBI used disinformation, forgery,
>           surveillance, false arrests, and violence to illegally harass
>           U.S.citizens in the 60's (*16).
>      The CIA's Operation MONGOOSE illegally sabotaged Cuba by "destroying
>           crops, brutalizing citizens, destabilizing the society, and
>           conspiring with the Mafia to assassinate Fidel Castro and other
>           leaders" (*17).
>      "Standard Oil of New Jersey was found by the Antitrust Division of
>           the Department of Justice to be conspiring with I.G.Farben...of
>           Germany. ...By its cartel agreements with Standard Oil, the
>           United States was effectively prevented from developing or
>           producing [fo rWorld War-II] any substantial amount of
>           synthetic rubber," said Senator Robert LaFollette of Wisconsin
>           (*18).
>      U.S. Government agencies knowingly withheld information about
>           dosages of radiation "almost certain to produce thyroid
>           abnormalities or cancer" that contaminated people residing near
>           the nuclear weapons factory at Hanford, Washington (*19).
>      Various branches of Government deliberately drag their feet in
>           getting around to cleaning up the Nation's dangerous nuclear
>           weapons sites (*20). State and local governments back the
>           nuclear industry's secret public relations strategy (*21).
>      "The National Cancer Institute, the American Cancer Society and some
>           twenty comprehensive cancer centers, have misled and confused
>           the public and Congress by repeated claims that we are winning
>           the war against cancer. In fact, the cancer establishment has
>           continually minimized the evidence for increasing cancer rates
>           which it has largely attributed to smoking and dietary fat,
>           while discounting or ignoring the causal role of avoidable
>           eposures to industrial carcinogens in the air, food, water, and
>           the workplace." (*22).
>      The Bush Administration coverup of its pre-Gulf-War support of Iraq
>           "is yet another example of the President's people conspiring to
>           keep both Congress and the American people in the dark" (*23).
>           If you think about it, conspiracy is a fundamental aspect of
>           doing business in this country.
>      Take the systematic and cooperative censorship of the Persian Gulf
>           War by the Pentagon and much of the news media (*24).
>      Or the widespread plans of business and government groups to spend
>           $100 million in taxes to promote a distorted and truncated
>           history of Columbus in America (*25). along the lines of the
>           Smithsonian Institution's "fusion of the two worlds", (*26).
>           rather than examining more realistic aspects of the Spanish
>           invasion, like "anger, cruelty, gold, terror, and death" (*27).
>      Or circumstances surrounding the U.S. Justice Department theft from
>           the INSLAW company of sophisticated, law-enforcement computer
>           software which "now point to a widespread conspiracy
>           implicating lesser Government officials in the theft of
>           INSLAW's technology", says former U.S. Attorney General Elliot
>           Richardson (*28).
>      Or Watergate.
>      Or the "largest bank fraud in world financial history" (*29), where
>           the White House knew of the criminal activities at "the Bank of
>           Crooks and Criminals International" (BCCI) (*30), where U.S.
>           intelligence agencies did their secret banking (*31), and where
>           bribery of prominent American public officials "was a way of
>           doing business" (*32).
>      Or the 1949 conviction of "GM [General Motors], Standard Oil of
>           California, Firestone, and E. Roy Fitzgerald, among others, for
>           criminally conspiring to replace electric transportation with
>           gas- and diesel-powered buses and to monopolize the sale of
>           buses and related products to transportation companies
>           throughout the country" [in, among others, the cities of New
>           York, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, Oakland, Salt Lake
>           City, and Los Angeles] (*33).
>      Or the collusion in 1973 between Senator Abraham Ribicoff (D-CT).
>           and the U.S. Department of Transportation to overlook safety
>           defects in the 1.2 million Corvair automobiles manufactured by
>           General Motors in the early 60's (*34).
>      Or the A. H. Robins Company, which manufactured the Dalkon Shield
>           intrauterine contraceptive, and which ignored repeated warnings
>           of the Shield's hazards and which "stonewalled, deceived,
>           covered up, and
>           covered up the coverups...[thus inflicting] on women a
>           worldwide epidemic of pelvic infections." (*35).
>      Or that cooperation between McDonnell Douglas Aircraft Company and
>           the FAA resulted in failure to enforce regulations regarding
>           the unsafe DC-10 cargo door which failed in flight killing all
>           364 passengers on Turkish Airlines Flight 981 on March 3, 1974
>           (*36).
>      Or the now-banned, cancer-producing pregnancy drug
>           Diethylstilbestrol (DES). that was sold by manufacturers who
>           ignored tests which showed DES to be carcinogenic; and who
>           acted "in concert with each other in the testing and marketing
>           of DES for miscarriage purposes" (*37).
>      Or the conspiracies among bankers and speculators, with the
>           cooperation of a corrupted Congress, to relieve depositors of
>           their savings. This "arrogant disregard from the White House,
>           Congress and corporate world for the interests and rights of
>           the American people" will cost U.S. tapayers many hundreds of
>           billions of dollars (*38).
>      Or the Westinghouse, Allis Chalmers,Federal Pacific, and General
>           Electric executives who met surreptitiously in hotel rooms to
>           fix prices and eliminate competition on heavy industrial
>           equipment (*39).
>      Or the convictions of Industrial Biotest Laboratories (IBT).
>           officers for fabricating safety tests on prescription drugs
>           (*40).
>      Or the conspiracy by the asbestos industry to suppress knowledge of
>           medical problemsrelating to asbestos (*41).
>      Or the 1928 Achnacarry Agreement through which oil companies "agreed
>           not to engage in any effective price competition" (*42).
>      Or the conspiracy among U.S. Government agencies and the Congress to
>           cover up the nature of our decades-old war against the people
>           of Nicaragua
>      a covert war that continues in 1992 with the U.S. Government
>           applying pressure for the Nicaraguan police to reorganize into
>           a more repressive force (*43).
>      Or the conspiracy by the CIA and the U.S. Government to interfere in
>           the Chilean election process with military aid, covert actions,
>           and an economic boycott which culminated in the overthrow of
>           the legitimately elected government and the assassination of
>           President Salvador Allende in 1973 (*44).
>      Or the conspiracy among U.S. officials including Secretary of State
>           Henry Kissinger and CIA Director William Colby to finance
>           terrorism in Angola for the purpose of disrupting Angola's
>           plans for peaceful elections in October 1975, and to lie about
>           these actions to the Congress and the news media (*45). And CIA
>           Director George Bush's subsequent cover up of this
>           U.S.-sponsored terrorism (*46).
>      Or President George Bush's consorting with the Pentagon to invade
>           Panama in 1989 and thereby violate the Constitution of the
>           United States, the U.N. Charter, the O.A.S. Charter, and the
>           Panama Canal Treaties (*47).
>      Or the "gross antitrust violations" (*48) and the conspiracy of
>           American oil companies and the British and U.S. governments to
>           strangle Iran economically after Iran nationalized the
>           British-owned Anglo-Iranian Oil Company in 1951. And the
>           subsequent overthrow by the CIA in 1953 of Iranian Prime
>           Minister Muhammed Mossadegh (*49).
>      Or the CIA-planned assassination of Congo head-of-state Patrice
>           Lumumba (*50).
>      Or the deliberate and wilful efforts of President George Bush,
>           Senator Robert Dole, Senator George Mitchell, various U.S.
>           Government agencies, and members of both Houses of the Congress
>           to buy the 1990 Nicaraguan national elections for the
>           presidential candidate supported by President Bush (*51).
>      Or the collective approval by 64 U.S. Senators of Robert Gates to
>           head the CIA, in the face of "unmistakable evidence that Gates
>           lied about his role in the Iran-Contra scandal" (*52).
>      Or "How Reagan and the Pope Conspired to Assist Poland's Solidarity
>           Movement and Hasten the Demise of Communism" (*53).
>      Or how the Reagan Administration connived with the Vatican to ban
>           the use of USAID funds by any country "for the promotion of
>           birth control or abortion" (*54).
>      Or "the way the Vatican and Washington colluded to achieve common
>           purpose in Central America" (*55).
>      Or the collaboration of Guatemalan strong-man and mass murderer
>           Hector Gramajo with the U.S. Army to design "programs to build
>           civilian-military cooperation" at the U.S. Army School of the
>           Americas (SOA) at Fort Benning, Georgia; five of the nine
>           soldiers accused in the 1989 Jesuit massacre in El Salvador are
>           graduates of SOA which trains Latin/American military personnel
>           (*56).
>      Or the conspiracy of the Comanche Peak Nuclear Plant administration
>           to harass and cause bodily harm to whistleblower Linda Porter
>           who uncovered dangerous working conditions at the facility
>           (*57).
>      Or the conspiracy of President Richard Nxion and the Government of
>           South Vietnam to delay the Paris Peace Talks until after the
>           1968 U.S. presidential election (*58).
>      Or the pandemic coverups of police violence (*59).
>      Or the always safe-to-cite worldwide communist conspiracy (*60).
>      Or maybe the socially responsible, secret consortium to publish The
>           Satanic Verses in paperback (*61).
>   Conspiracies are obviously a way to get things done, and the Washington Post
>   offers little comment unless conspiracy theorizing threatens to expose a
>   really important conspiracy that, let's say, benefits big business or big
>   government.
>    Such a conspiracy would be like our benevolent CIA's 1953 overthrow of
>    the Iranian government to help out U.S. oil companies; or like our
>    illegal war against Panama to tighten U.S. control over Panama and the
>    Canal; or like monopoly control of broadcasting that facilitates
>    corporate censorship on issues of public importance (*62). When the
>    camouflage of such conspiracies is stripped away, public confidence in
>>    the conspiring officials can erode -- depending on how seriously the
>    citizenry perceives the conspiracy to have violated the public trust.
>    Erosion of public trust in the status quo is what the Post seems to
>    see as a real threat to its corporate security.
>    Currently, the Post has mounted vituperative, frenzied attacks on
>    Oliver Stone's movie "JFK", which reexamines the U.S. Government's
>    official (Warren Commission. finding that a single gunman, acting
>    alone, killed President John F. Kennedy. The movie also is the story
>    of New Orleans District Attorney Jim Garrison's unsuccessful
>    prosecution of Clay Shaw, the only person ever tried in connection
>    with the assassination. And the movie proposes that the Kennedy
>    assassination was the work of conspirators whose interests would not
>    be served by a president who, had he lived, might have disengaged us
>    from our war against Vietnam.
>    The Post ridicules a reexamination of the Kennedy assassination along
>    lines suggested by "JFK". Senior Post journalists like Charles
>    Krauthammer, Ken Ringle, George Will, Phil McCombs, and Michael
>    Isikoff, have been called up to man the bulwarks against public
>    sentiment which has never supported the government's
>    non-conspiratorial assassination thesis. In spite of the facts that
>    the Senate Intelligence Committee of 1975 and 1976 found that "both
>    the FBI and CIA had repeatedly lied to the Warren Commission" (*63)
>    and that the 1979 Report of the House Select Committee on
>    Assassinations found that President Kennedy was probably killed "as a
>    result of a conspiracy" (*64), a truly astounding number of Post
>    stories have been used as vehicles to discredit "JFK" as just another
>    conspiracy (*65).
>    Some of the more vicious attacks on the movie are by editor Stephen
>    Rosenfeld, and journalists Richard Cohen, George Will, and George
>    Lardner Jr (*66). They ridicule the idea that Kennedy could have had
>    second thoughts about escalating the Vietnam War and declaim that
>    there is no historical justification for this idea. Seasoned
>    journalist Peter Dale Scott, former Pentagon/CIA liaison chief L.
>    Fletcher Prouty, and investigators David Scheim and John Newman have
>    each authored defense of the "JFK" thesis that Kennedy was not
>    enthusiastic about staying in Vietnam (*67). But the Post team just
>    continues ranting against the possibility of a high-level
>    assassination conspiracy while offering little justification for its
>    arguments.
>    An example of particularly shabby scholarship and unacceptable
>    behavior is George Lardner Jr's contribution to the Post's campaign
>    against the movie. Lardner wrote three articles, two before the movie
>    was completed, and the third upon its release. In May, six months
>    before the movie came out, Lardner obtained a copy of the first draft
>    of the script and, contrary to accepted standards, revealed in the
>    Post the contents of this copyrighted movie (*68). Also in this
>    article, (*69). Lardner discredits Jim Garrison with hostile
>>    statements from a former Garrison associate Pershing Gervais. Lardner
>    does not tell the reader that subsequent to the Clay Shaw trial, in a
>    U.S. Government criminal action brought against Garrison, Government
>    witness Gervais, who helped set up Garrison for prosecution, admitted
>    under oath that in a May 1972 interview with a New Orleans television
>    reporter, he, Gervais, had said that the U.S. Government's case
>    against Garrison was a fraud (*70). The Post's 1973 account of the
>    Garrison acquittal mentions this controversy, but when I recently
>    asked Lardner about this, he was not clear as to whether he remembered
>    it (*71).
>    Two weeks after his first "JFK" article, Lardner blustered his way
>    through a justification for his unauthorized possession of the early
>    draft ofthe movie (*72). He also defended his reference to Pershing
>    Gervais by lashing out at Garrison as a writer "of gothic fiction".
>    When the movie was released in December, Lardner "reviewed" it (*73).
>    He again ridiculed the film's thesis that following the Kennedy
>    assassination, President Johnson reversed Kennedy's plans to
>    de-escalate the Vietnam War. Lardner cited a memorandum issued by
>    Johnson four days after Kennedy died. Lardner says this memorandum was
>    written before the assassination, and that it "was a continuation of
>    Kennedy's policy". In fact, the memorandum was drafted the day before
>    the assassination by McGeorge Bundy (Kennedy's Assistant for National
>    Security Affairs) Kennedy was in Texas, and may never have seen it.
>    Following the assassination, it was rewritten; and the final version
>    provided for escalating the war against Vietnam (*74) -- facts that
>    Lardner avoided.
>   The Post's crusade against exposing conspiracies is blatantly dishonest:
>    The Warren Commission inquiry into the Kennedy Assassination was for
>    the most part conducted in secret. This fact is buried in the Post
>    (*75). Nor do current readers of this newspaper find meaningful
>    discussion of the Warren Commission's secret doubts about both the FBI
>    and the CIA (*76). Or of a dispatch from CIA headquarters instructing
>    co-conspirators at field stations to counteract the "new wave of books
>    and articles criticizing the [Warren] Commission's findings...[and]
>    conspiracy theories ...[that] have frequently thrown suspicion on our
>    organization" and to "discuss the publicity problem with liaison and
>    friendly elite contacts, especially politicians and editors "and to
>    "employ propaganda assets to answer and refute the attacks of the
>    critics. ...Book reviews and feature articles are particularly
>    appropriate for this purpose. ...The aim of this dispatch is to
>    provide material for countering and discrediting the claims of the
>    conspiracy theorists..." (*77).
>   In 1979, Washington journalist Deborah Davis published Katharine The Great,
>   the story of Post publisher Katharine Graham and her newspaper's close ties
>   with Washington's powerful elite, a number of whom were with the CIA.
>    Particularly irksome to Post editor Benjamin Bradlee was a Davis claim
>    that Bradlee had "produced CIA material" (*78). Understandably
>    sensitive about this kind of publicity, Bradlee told Davis' publisher
>    Harcourt Brace Jovanovich ,"Miss Davis is lying ...I never produced
>    CIA material ...what I can do is to brand Miss Davis as a fool and to
>    put your company in that special little group of publishers who don't
>    give a shit for the truth". The Post bullied HBJ into recalling the
>    book; HBJ shredded 20,000 copies; Davis sued HBJ for breach of
>    contract and damage to reputation; HBJ settled out of court; and Davis
>    published her book elsewhere with an appendix that demonstrated
>    Bradlee to have been deeply involved with producing cold-war/CIA
>    propaganda (*79). Bradlee still says the allegations about his
>    association with people in the CIA are false, but he has apparently
>    taken no action to contest the xetensive documentation presented by
>    Deborah Davis in the second and third editions of her book (*80).
>   And it's not as if the Post were new to conspiracy work.
>    Former Washington Post publisher Philip Graham "believing that the
>    function of the press was more often than not to mobilize consent for
>    the policies of the government, was one of the architects of what
>    became a widespread practice:the use and manipulation of journalists
>    by the CIA" (*81). This scandal was known by its code name Operation
>    MOCKINGBIRD. Former Washington Post reporter Carl Bernstein cites a
>    ^^^^^^^^^^^^
>    ^^^^^^^^^^^^
>    ^^^^^^^^^^^^
>    former CIA deputy director as saying, "It was widely known that Phil
>    Graham was someone you could get help from" (*82). More recently the
>    Post provided cover for CIA personality Joseph Fernandez by "refusing
>    to print his name for over a year up until the day his indictmen twas
>    announced ...for crimes committed in his official capacity as CIA
>    station chief in Costa Rica" (*83).
>    Of the meetings between Graham and his CIA acquaintances at which the
>    availability and prices of journalists were discussed, a former CIA
>    man recalls, "You could get a journalist cheaper than a good call
>    girl, for a couple hundred dollars a month" (*84). One may wish to
>    consider Philip Graham's philosophy along with a more recent statement
>    from his wife Katharine Graham, current Chairman of the Board of the
>    Washington Post. In a lecture on terrorism and the news media, Mrs.
>    Graham said: "A second challenge facing the media is how to prevent
>    terrorists from using the media as a platform fortheir views. ... The
>    point is that we generally know when we are being manipulated, and
>    we've learned better how and where to draw the line, though the
>    decisions are often difficult" (*85).
>    Today, the Post and its world of big business are apparently terrified
>    that our elite and our high-level public officials may be exposed as
>    conspirators behind Contra drug-smuggling, October Surprise, or the
>    assassination of President Kennedy. This fear is truly remarkable in
>    that, like most of us and like most institutions, the Post runs its
>    business as a conspiracy of like-minded entrepreneurs -- a conspiracy
>    "to act or work together toward the same result or goal" (*86). But
>    where the Post really parts company from just plain people is when it
>    pretends that conspiracies associated with big business or government
>    are "coincidence". Post reporter Lardner vents the frustration
>    inherent in having to maintain this dichotomy. He lashes out at Oliver
>    Stone and suggests that Stone may actually believe that the Post's
>    opposition to Stone's movie is a "conspiracy". Lardner assures us that
>    Stone's complaints are "groundless and paranoid and smack of
>    McCarthyism" (*87).
>   So how does the Post justify devoting so much energy to ridiculing those who
>   investigate conspiracies?
>    The Post has answers: people revert to conspiracy theories because
>    they need something "neat and tidy" (*88) that "plugs a gap no other
>    generally accepted theory fills', (*89. and "coincidence ...is always
>    the safest and most likely explanation for any conjunction of curious
>    circumstances ..." (*90).
>    And what does this response mean? It means that "coincidence theory"
>    is what the Post espouses when it would prefer not to admit to a
>    conspiracy. In other words, some things just "happen". And, besides,
>    conspiracy to do certain things would be a crime; "coincidence" is a
>    safer bet.
>    Post Ombudsman Richard Harwood, who, it is rumored, serves as
>    Executive Director of the Benevolent Protective Order of Coincidence
>    Theorists, (*91) recently issued a warning about presidential
>    candidates "who have begun to mutter about a press conspiracy".
>    Ordinarily, Harwood would simply dismiss these charges as "symptoms of
>    the media paranoia that quadrennially engulfs members of the American
>    political class" (*92). But a fatal mistake was made by the mutterers;
>    they used the "C" word against the PRESS! And Harwood exploded his
>    off-the-cuff comment into an entire column -- ending it with:"We are
>    the new journalists, immersed too long, perhaps, in the cleansing
>    waters of political conformity. But conspirators we ain't".
>    Distinguished investigative journalist Morton Mintz, a 29-year veteran
>    of the Washington Post, now chairs the Fund for Investigative
>    Journalism. In the December issue of The Progressive, Mintz wrote "A
>    Reporter Looks Back in Anger -- Why the Media Cover Up Corporate
>    Crime". Therein he discussed the difficulties in convincing editors to
>    accept important news stories. He illustrated the article with his own
>    experiences at the Post, where he says he was known as "the biggest
>    pain in the ass in the office" (*93).
>   Would Harwood argue that grief endured by journalists at the hands 
>of editors
>   is a matter of random coincidence?
>    And that such policy as Mintz described is made independently by
>    editors without influence from fellow editors or from management?
>    Would Harwood have us believe that at the countless office "meetings"
>    in which news people are ever in attendance, there is no discussion of
>    which stories will run and which ones will find inadequate space? That
>    there is no advanced planning for stories or that there are no
>    cooperative efforts among the staff? Or that in the face of our
>    news-media "grayout" of presidential candidate Larry Agran, (*94) a
>    Post journalist would be free to give news space to candidate Agran
>    equal to that the Post lavishes on candidate Clinton? Let's face it:
>    these possibilities are about as likely as Barbara Bush entertaining
>    guests at a soup kitchen.
>    Would Harwood have us believe that media critic and former Post
>    Ombudsman Ben Bagdikian is telling less than the truth in his account
>    of wire-service control over news: "The largely anonymous men who
>    control the syndicate and wire service copy desks and the central wire
>    photo machines determine at a single decision what millions will see
>    and hear. ...there seems to be little doubt that these gatekeepers
>    preside over an operation in which an appalling amount of press
>    agentry sneaks in the back door of American journalism and marches
>    untouched out the front door as 'news'" (*95).
>    When he sat on the U.S. District Court of Appeals in Washington, Judge
>    Clarence Thomas violated U.S. law when he failed to remove himself
>    from a case in which he then proceeded to reverse a $10 million
>    judgment against the Ralston Purina Company (*96). Ralston Purina, the
>    animal feed empire, is the family fortune of Thomas' mentor, Senator
>    John Danforth. The Post limited its coverage of the Thomas malfeasance
>    to 56 words buried in the middle of a 1200-word article (*97). Would
>    Harwood have us believe that the almost complete blackout on this
>    matter by the major news media and the U.S. Senate was a matter of
>    coincidence? Could a Post reporter have written a story about Ralston
>    Purina if she had wanted to? Can a brick swim?
>    Or take the fine report produced last September by Ralph Nader's
>    Public Citizen. Titled All the Vice President's Men, it documents "How
>    the Quayle Council on Competitiveness Secretly Undermines Health,
>    Safety, and Environmental Programs". Three months later, Post
>    journalists David Broder and Bob Woodward published "The President's
>    Understudy", a seven-part series on Vice President Quayle. Although
>    this series does address Quayle's role with the Competitiveness
>    Council, its handling of the Council's disastrous impact on America is
>    inadequate. It is 40,000 words of mostly aimless chatter about Quayle
>    memorabilia: youth, family, college record, Christianity, political
>    aspirations, intellectual aspirations, wealthy friends, government
>    associates, golf, travels, wife Marilyn, and net worth -- revealing
>    little about Quayle's abilities, his understanding of society's
>    problems, or his thoughts about justice and freedom, and never
>    mentioning the comprehensive Nader study of Quayle's record in the
>    Bush Administration (*98).
>    Now, did Broder or did Woodward forget about the Nader study? Or did
>    both of them forget? Or did one, or the other, or both decide not to
>    mention it? Did these two celebrated, seasoned Post reporters ever
>    discuss together their jointly authored stories? Did they decide to
>    publish such a barren set of articles because it would enhance their
>    reputations? How did management feel about the use of precious news
>    space for such frivolity? Is it possible that so many pages were
>    dedicated to this twaddle without people "acting or working together
>    toward the same result or goal"? (*99) Do crocodiles fly?
>    On March 20, front-page headlines in the Wall Street Journal, the New
>    York Times, USA Today, and the Washington Post read respectively:
>    This display of editorial independence should at least raise questions
>    of whether the news media collective mindset is really different from
>    that of any other cartel -- like oil, diamond, energy, (*100) or
>    manufacturing cartels, a cartel being "a combination of independent
>    commercial enterprises designed to limit competition" (*101).
>    The Washington Post editorial page carries the heading:
>    Is it? Of course not. There probably is no such thing. Does the Post
>    "conspire" to keep its staff and its newspaper from wandering too far
>    from the safety of mediocrity? The Post would respond that the
>    question is absurd. In that I am not privy to the Post's telephone
>    conversations, I can only speculate on how closely the media elite
>    must monitor the staff. But we all know how few micro-seconds it takes
>    a new reporter to learn what subjects are taboo and what are "safe",
>    and that experienced reporters don't have to ask.
>    What is more important, however, than speculating about how the Post
>    communicates within its own corporate structure and with other members
>    of the cartel, is to document and publicize what the Post does in
>    public, namely, how it shapes and censors the news.
>                                  Sincerely,
>                               Julian C. Holmes
>    Copies to: Public-spirited citizens, both inside and outside the news
>    media, And - maybe a few others.
>      _________________________________________________________________
>    Notes to Letter of April 25, 1992:
>    1. Mark Hosenball, "The Ultimate Conspiracy", Washington Post,
>    September 11, 1988, p.C1
>    2a. Julian Holmes, Letter to Washington Post Ombudsman Richard
>    Harwood, June 4,1991. Notes that the Post censored, from the
>    Anderson/Van Atta column, references to the Christic Institute and to
>    Robert Gates.
>    2b. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "Iran-Contra Figure Dodges
>    Extradition", Washington Merry-Go-Round, United Feature Syndicate, May
>    26, 1991. This is the column submitted to the Post (see note 2a)..
>    2c. Jack Anderson and Dale Van Atta, "The Man Washington Doesn't Want
>    to Extradite", Washington Post, May 26, 1991. The column (see note
>    2b). as it appeared in the Post (see note 2a)..
>    3a. Case No. 86-1146-CIV-KING, Amended Complaint for RICO Conspiracy,
>    etc., United States District Court, Southern District of Florida, Tony
>    Avirgan and Martha Honey v. John Hull et al., October 3, 1986.
>    3b. Vince Bielski and Dennis Bernstein, "Reports: Contras Send Drugs
>    to U.S.", Cleveland Plain Dealer, November 16, 1986.
>    3c. Neal Matthews, "I Ran Drugs for Uncle Sam" (based on interviews
>    with Robert Plumlee, contra resupply pilot)., San Diego Reader, April
>    5, 1990.
>    4. Leslie Cockburn, Out of Control. New York: Atlantic Monthly Press,
>    1987.
>    5a. Peter Dale Scott and Jonathan Marshall, Cocaine Politics,
>    University ofCalifornia Press, 1991, p.179-181.
>    5b. David S. Hilzenrath, "Hill Panel Finds No Evidence Linking Contras
>    to Drug Smuggling", Washington Post, July 22, 1987, p.A07.
>    5c. Partial correction to the Washington Post of July 22, Washington
>    Post, July 24,1987, p.A3.
>    5d. The Washington Post declined to publish SubCommittee Chairman
>    Rangel's Letter- to-the-Editor of July 22, 1987. It was printed in the
>    Congressional Record on August 6, 1987, p.E3296-7.
>    6a. Michael Kranish, "Kerry Says US Turned Blind Eye to Contra-Drug
>    Trail", Boston Globe, April 10, 1988.
>    6b. Mary McGrory, "The Contra-Drug Stink", Washington Post, April 10,
>    1988, p.B1. 6c. Robert Parry with Rod Nordland, "Guns for Drugs?
>    Senate Probers Trace an Old Contra Connection to George Bush's
>    Office", Newsweek, May 23, 1988, p.22.
>    6d. Dennis Bernstein, "Iran-Contra -- The Coverup Continues", The
>    Progressive, November 1988, p.24.
>    6e. "Drugs, Law Enforcement and Foreign Policy", A Report Prepared by
>    the Subcommittee on Terrorism, Narcotics, and International Operations
>    of the Committee on Foreign Relations, United States Senate, December
>    1988.
>    7a. Mark Hosenball, "If It's October ... Then It's Time for an Iranian
>    Conspiracy Theory", Washington Post, October 9, 1988, p.D1.
>    7b. Mark Hosenball, "October Surprise! Redux! The Latest Version of
>    the 1980 'Hostage- Deal' Story Is Still Full of Holes", Washington
>    Post, April 21, 1991,p.B2.
>    8a. Barbara Honegger, October Surprise, New York: Tudor, 1989.
>    8b. Gary Sick, October Surprise, New York: Times Books, Random House,
>    1991.
>    9a. Abbie Hoffman and Jonathan Silvers, "An Election Held Hostage",
>    Playboy, October 1988, p.73.
>    9b. Robert Parry and Robert Ross, "The Election Held Hostage",
>    FRONTLINE, WGBH-TV,April 16, 1991.
>    10a. Reuter, "Ex-Hostages Seek Probe By Congress", Washington Post,
>    June 14,1991,p.A4.
>    10b. "An Election Held Hostage?", Conference, Dirksen Senate Office
>    Building Auditorium, Washington DC, June 13, 1991; Sponsored by The
>    Fund For New Priorities in America, 171 Madison Avenue, New York, NY,
>    10016.
>    11a. David Brown and Guy Gugliotta, "House Approves Inquiry Into
>    'OctoberSurprise'", Washington Post, February 6, 1992, p.A11.
>    11b. Jack Colhoun, "Lawmakers Lose Nerve on October Surprise", The
>    Guardian, December 11, 1991, p.7.
>    11c. Jack Colhoun, "October Surprise Probe Taps BCCI Lawyer", The
>    Guardian, February 26, 1992, p.3.
>    12. See note 5a, p.180-1.
>    13a. See note 4, p.229, 240-1.
>    13b. Report of the Congressional Committees Investigating the
>    Iran-Contra Affair, Senate Report No. 100-216, House Report No.
>    100-433, November 1987, p.139-141.
>    14a. Letter to His Excellency Oscar Arias Sanchez, President of the
>    Republic of Costa Rica; from Members of the U.S. Congress David
>    Dreier, Lee Hamilton, Dave McCurdy, Dan Burton, Mary Rose Oakar, Jim
>    Bunning, Frank McCloskey, Cass Ballenger, Peter Kostmayer, Jim Bates,
>    Douglas Bosco, James Inhofe, Thomas Foglietta, Rod Chandler, Ike
>    Skelton, Howard Wolpe, Gary Ackerman, Robert Lagomarsino, and Bob
>    McEwen; January 26, 1989.
>    14b. Peter Brennan, "Costa Rica Considers Seeking Contra Backer in
>    U.S. -- Indiana Native Wanted on Murder Charge in 1984 Bomb Attack in
>    Nicaragua", WashingtonPost, February 1, 1990.
>    14c. "Costa Rica Seeks Extradition of Indiana Farmer", Scripps-Howard
>    News Service,April 25, 1991.
>    15. Press Release from the Costa Rican Embassy, Washington DC, On the
>    Case of the Imprisonment of Costa Rican Citizen John Hull", February
>    6, 1989.
>    16. Brian Glick, War at Home, Boston: South End Press, 1989.
>    17. John Stockwell, The Praetorian Guard-- The U.S. Role in the New
>    World Order, Boston: South End Press, 1991, p.121.
>    18. Hearings Before the Committee on Patents, United States Senate,
>    77th Cong., 2nd Session (1942)., part I, as cited in Joseph Borkin,
>    The Crime and Punishment of I.G. Farben, New York: The Free Press,
>    Macmillan, 1978, p.93.
>    19. R. Jeffrey Smith, "Study of A-Plant Neighbors' Health Urged",
>    Washington Post, July 13, 1990, p.A6.
>    20. Tom Horton, "A Cost Higher Than the Peace Dividend -- Price Tag
>    Mounts to Clean Up Nuclear Weapons Sites", Baltimore Sun, February 23,
>    1992, p.1K.
>    21. "The Nuclear Industry's Secret PR Strategy", EXTRA!, March 1992,
>    p.15.
>    22a. Samuel S. Epstein, MD et al, Losing the War Against Cancer: Need
>    for PublicPolicy Reform", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,
>    p.E947-9.
>    22b. Samuel S. Epstein, "The Cancer Establishment", Washington Post,
>    March 10, 1992.
>    23a. Hon. Henry B. Gonzalez, "Efforts to Thwart Investigation of the
>    BNL Scandal", Congressional Record, March 30, 1992, p.H2005-2014.
>    23b. Hon. David E. Skaggs (CO)., White House Spin Control on Pre-War
>    Iraq Policy", Congressional Record, April 2, 1992, p.H2285.
>    23c. Nicholas Rostow, Special Assistant to the President and Legal
>    Adviser, Memorandum to Jeanne S. Archibald et al, "Meeting on
>    congressional requests for information and documents", April 8, 1991;
>    Congressional Record, April 2, 1992,p.H2285.
>    24a. Michio Kaku, "Operation Desert Lie: Pentagon Confesses", The
>    Guardian, March11, 1992, p.4.
>    24b. J. Max Robins, "NBC's Unaired Iraq Tapes Not a Black and White
>    Case", Variety Magazine, March 4, 1991, p.25.
>    25. Emory R. Searcy Jr., Clergy and Laity Concerned, Spring 1991
>    Letter to"Friends", p.1.
>    26. Jean Dimeo, "Selling Hispanics on Columbus -- Luis Vasquez-Ajmac
>    Is Hired to Promote Smithsonian Project", Washington Post, November
>    18, 1991, p.Bus.8.
>    27. Hans Koning, "Teach the Truth About Columbus", Washington Post,
>    September 3,1991, p.A19.
>    28a. James Kilpatrick, "Software-Piracy Case Emitting Big Stench", St.
>    Louis Post/Dispatch, March 18, 1991, p.3B. Elliot L. Richardson, "A
>    High-Tech Watergate", New York Times, October 21,1991.
>    29. "BCCI -- NBC Sunday Today", February 23, 1992, p.12; transcript
>    prepared by Burrelle's Information Services. The quote is from New
>    York District Attorney Robert Morgenthau who is running his own
>    independent investigation of BCCI.
>    30. Norman Bailey, former Reagan White House intelligence analyst;
>    from an interview with Mark Rosenthal of NBC News. See note 29, p.5.
>    31. Jack Colhoun, "BCCI Skeletons Haunting Bush's Closet", The
>    Guardian, September 18, 1991, p.9.
>    32. Robert Morgenthau. See note 29, p.10.
>    33. Russell Mokhiber, Corporate Crime and Violence, San Francisco:
>    Sierra ClubBooks, 1989 paperback edition, p.227.
>    34. See note 33, p.136-7.
>    35. Morton Mintz, At Any Cost: Corporate Greed, Women, and the Dalkon
>    Shield, NewYork: Pantheon, 1985. As cited in Mokhiber, see note 33,
>    p.157.
>    36. See note 33, p.164-171.
>    37. See note 33, p.172-180.
>    38. Michael Waldman, Who Robbed America?, New York: Random House,
>    1990. The quote is from Ralph Nader's Introduction, p.iii.
>    39. See note 33, p.217.
>    40. See note 33, p.235.
>    41. See note 33, p.277-288.
>    42. See note 33, p.323.
>    43. Katherine Hoyt Gonzalez, Nicaragua Network Education Fund
>    Newsletter, March1992, p.1.
>    44. William Blum, The CIA -- A Forgotten History, London: Zed Books
>    Ltd., 1986,p.232-243.
>    45a. John Stockwell, In Search of Enemies, New York: Norton, 1978.
>    45b. See note 44, p.284-291.
>    46. See note 17, p.18.
>    47a. Letter to President George Bush from The Ad Hoc Committee for
>    Panama (James Abourezk et al)., January 10, 1990; published in The
>    Nation, February 5, 1990, p.163.
>    47b. Philip E. Wheaton, Panama, Trenton NJ: Red Sea Press, 1992,
>    p.145-7.
>    48a. Morton Mintz and Jerry S. Cohen, Power, Inc., New York: Bantam
>    Books, 1977,p.521.
>    48b. "The International Oil Cartel", Federal Trade Commission,
>    December 2, 1949. Cited in 48a, p.521.
>    49a. See note 44, p.67-76.
>    49b. See note 48a, p.530-1.
>    50. Ralph W. McGehee, Deadly Deceits, New York: Sheridan Square
>    Publications, 1983,p.60.
>    51. HR-3385, "An Act to Provide Assistance for Free and Fair Elections
>    in Nicaragua". Passed the U.S. House of Representatives on October 4,
>    1989 by avote of 263 to 136, and the Senate on October 17 by a vote of
>    64 to 35.
>    52. Jack Colhoun, "Gates Oozing Trail of Lies, Gets Top CIA Post", The
>    Guardian,November 20, 1991, p.6.
>    53. Carl Bernstein, Time, February 24, 1992, Cover Story p.28-35.
>    54. "The U.S. and the Vatican on Birth Control", Time, February 24,
>    1992, p.35.
>    55. "Time's Missing Link: Poland to Latin America", National Catholic
>    Reporter,February 28, 1992, p.24.
>    56a. Jim Lynn, "School of Americas Commander Hopes to Expand Mission",
>    Benning Patriot, February 21, 1992, p.12.
>    56b. Vicky Imerman, "U.S. Army School of the Americas Plans
>    Expansion", News Release from S.O.A. Watch, P.O. Bo 3330, Columbus,
>    Georgia 31903.
>    57. 60 MINUTES, CBS, March 8, 1992.
>    58. Jack Colhoun, "Tricky Dick's Quick Election Fix", The Guardian,
>    January 29,1992, p.18.
>    59a. Sean P. Murphy, "Several Probes May Have Ignored Evidence Against
>    Police", Boston Globe, July 28, 1991, p.1.
>    59b. Christopher B. Daly, "Pattern of Police Abuses Reported in Boston
>    Case", Washington Post, July 12, 1991, p.A3.
>    59c. Associated Press, "Dayton Police Probing Erasure of Arrest
>    Video", WashingtonPost, May 26, 1991, p.A20.
>    59d. Gabriel Escobar, "Deaf Man's Death In Police Scuffle Called
>    Homicide", Washington Post, May 18, 1991, p.B1.
>    59e. Jay Mathews, "L.A. Police Laughed at Beating", Washington Post,
>    March 19, 1991, p.A1.
>    59f. David Maraniss, "One Cop's View of Police Violence", Washington
>    Post, April 12,1991, p.A1.
>    59g. From News Services, "Police Abuse Detailed", Washington Post,
>    February 8, 1992,p.A8.
>    60. Michael Dobbs, "Panhandling the Kremlin: How Gus Hall Got
>    Millions", Washington Post, March 1, 1992, p.A1.
>    61. David Streitfeld, "Secret Consortium To Publish Rushdie In
>    Paperback", Washington Post, March 14, 1992, p.D1.
>    62a. See notes 48 and 49.
>    62b. See note 47b, p.63-76.
>    62c. "Fairness In Broadcasting Act of 1987", U.S. Senate Bill S742.
>    62d. "Now Let That 'Fairness' Bill Die", Editorial, Washington Post,
>    June 24, 1987. The Post opposed the Fairness in Broadcasting Act.
>    63. David E. Scheim, Contract on America -- The Mafia Murder of
>    President John F.Kennedy, New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1988,
>    p.viii.
>    64. See note 63, p.28.
>    65a. Chuck Conconi, "Out and About", Washington Post, February 26,
>    1991, p.B3.
>    65b. George Lardner Jr., "On the Set: Dallas in Wonderland",
>    Washington Post, May19, 1991, p.D1.
>    65c. George Lardner, "...Or Just a Sloppy Mess", Washington Post, June
>    2, 1991,p.D3.
>    65d. Charles Krauthammer, "A Rash of Conspiracy Theories -- When Do We
>    Dig Up BillCasey?", Washington Post, July 5, 1991, p.A19.
>    65e. Eric Brace, "Personalities", Washington Post, October 31, 1991,
>    p.C3.
>    65f. Associated Press, "'JFK' Director Condemned -- Warren Commission
>    Attorney Calls Stone Film 'A Big Lie'", Washington Post, December 16,
>    1991, p.D14.
>    65g. Gerald R. Ford and David W. Belin, "Kennedy Assassination: How
>    About the Truth?", Washington Post, December 17, 1991, p.A21.
>    65h. Rita Kemply, "'JFK': History Through A Prism", Washington Post,
>    December 20,1991, p.D1.
>    65i. George Lardner Jr., "The Way it Wasn't -- In 'JFK', Stone
>    Assassinates the Truth", Washington Post, December 20, 1991, p.D2.
>    65j. Desson Howe, "Dallas Mystery: Who Shot JFK?", Washington Post,
>    December 20,1991, p.55.
>    65k. Phil McCombs, "Oliver Stone, Returning the Fire -- In Defending
>    His 'JFK' Conspiracy Film, the Director Reveals His Rage and
>    Reasoning", Washington Post, December 21, 1991, p.F1.
>    65l. George F. Will, "'JFK': Paranoid History", Washington Post,
>    December 26, 1991,p.A23.
>    65m. "On Screen", 'JFK' movie review, Washington Post, Weekend,
>    December 27, 1991.
>    65n. Stephen S. Rosenfeld, "Shadow Play", Washington Post, December
>    27, 1991, p.A21.
>    65o. Daniel Patrick Moynihan, "The Paranoid Style", Washington Post,
>    December 29,1991, p.C7.
>    65p. Michael Isikoff, "H-e-e-e-e-r-e's Conspiracy! -- Why Did Oliver
>    Stone Omit (Or Suppress!). the Role of Johnny Carson?", Washington
>    Post, December 29, 1991,p.C2.
>    65q. Robert O'Harrow Jr., "Conspiracy Theory Wins Converts --
>    Moviegoers Say 'JFK' Nourishes Doubts That Oswald Acted Alone",
>    Washington Post, January 2, 1992, p.B1.
>    65r. Michael R. Beschloss, "Assassination and Obsession", Washington
>    Post, January 5, 1992, p.C1.
>    65s. Charles Krauthammer, "'JFK': A Lie, But Harmless", Washington
>    Post, January 10,1992, p.A19.
>    65t. Art Buchwald, "Bugged: The Flu Conspiracy", Washington Post,
>    January 14, 1992,p.E1.
>    65u. Ken Ringle, "The Fallacy of Conspiracy Theories -- Good on Film,
>    But the Motivation Is All Wrong", Washington Post, January 19, 1992,
>    p.G1.
>    65v. Charles Paul Freund, "If History Is a Lie -- America's Resort to
>    Conspiracy Thinking", Washington Post, January 19, 1992, p.C1.
>    65w. Richard Cohen, "Oliver's Twist", Washington Post Magazine,
>    January 19, 1992, p.5.
>    65. Michael Isikoff, "Seeking JFK's Missing Brain", Washington Post,
>    January 21,1992, p.A17.
>    65y. Don Oldenburg, "The Plots Thicken -- Conspiracy Theorists Are
>    Everywhere", Washington Post, January 28, 1992, p.E5.
>    65z. Joel Achenbach, "JFK Conspiracy: Myth vs. the Facts", Washington
>    Post, February 28, 1992, p.C5.
>    65A. List of books on the best-seller list: On the Trail of the
>    Assassins is characterized as "conspiracy plot theories", Washington
>    Post, March 8, 1992,Bookworld, p.12
>    66. See notes 65n, 65w, 65l, 65b, 65c, and 65i.
>    67a. Peter Dale Scott, "Vietnamization and the Drama of the Pentagon
>    Papers". Published in The Senator Gravel Edition of The Pentagon
>    Papers, Volume V,p.211-247.
>    67b. Peter Dale Scott, The War Conspiracy -- The Secret Road to the
>    Second Indochina War, Indianapolis/New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1972, p.
>    215-224.
>    67c. L. Fletcher Prouty, The Secret Team, Copyright 1973. New
>    printing, Costa Mesa CA: Institute for Historical Review, 1990,
>    p.402-416.
>    67d. See note 63, p.58, 183, 187, 194, 273-4.
>    67e. John M. Newman, JFK and Vietnam, New York: Warner Books, 1992.
>    67f. Peter Dale Scott, Letter to the Editor, The Nation, March 9,
>    1992, p.290.
>    68a. See note 65b.
>    68b. Oliver Stone, "The Post, George Lardner, and My Version of the
>    JFK Assassination", Washington Post, June 2, 1991, p.D3.
>    69. See note 65b.
>    70. Jim Garrison, On the Trail of The Assassins, New York: Warner
>    Books, 1988, 315/318.
>    71. Associated Press, "Garrison, 2 Others, Found Not Guilty Of Bribery
>    Charge", Washington Post, September 28, 1973, p.A3.
>    72. See note 65c.
>    73. See note 65i.
>    74. See note 67e, p.438-450.
>    75. John G. Leyden, "Historians, Buffs, and Crackpots", Washington
>    Post, Bookworld, January 26, 1992, p.8.
>    76a. Tad Szulc, "New Doubts, Fears in JFK Assassination Probe",
>    Washington Star,September 19, 1975, p.A1.
>    76b. Tad Szulc, "Warren Commission's Self-Doubts Grew Day by Day --
>    'This Bullet Business Leaves Me Confused'", Washington Star, September
>    20, 1975, p.A1.
>    76c. Tad Szulc, "Urgent and Secret Meeting of the Warren Commission --
>    Dulles Proposed that the Minutes be Destroyed", Washington Star,
>    September 21, 1975,p.A1.
>    77. "Cable Sought to Discredit Critics of Warren Report", New York
>    Times, December 26, 1977, p.A37.
>    78. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Harcourt Brace
>    Jovanovich, 1979,p.141-2.
>    79a. Eve Pell, "Private Censorship -- Killing 'Katharine The Great'",
>    The Nation, November 12, 1983.
>    79b. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, Bethesda MD: National Press,
>    1987. Davis says, "...corporate documents that became available during
>    my subsequent lawsuit against him [Harcourt Brace Jovanovich chairman,
>    William Jovanovich] showed that 20,000 copies [of Katharine the Great]
>    had been "processed and converted into waste paper"".
>    79c. Daniel Brandt, "All the Publisher's Men -- A Suppressed Book
>    About Washington Post Publisher Katharine Graham Is On Sale Again"
>    National Reporter, Fall 1987, p.60.
>    79d. Deborah Davis, Katharine The Great, New York: Sheridan Square
>    Press, 1991. "...publishers who don't give a shit", p.iv-v; bullying
>    HBJ into recalling the book, p.iv-vi; lawsuit and settlement, p..
>    80. Benjamin C. Bradlee, Letter to Deborah Davis, April 1, 1987. See
>    note 79d, p.304.
>    81. See note 79d, p.119-132.
>    82. Carl Bernstein, "The CIA and the Media -- How America's Most
>    Powerful News Media Worked Hand in Glove with the Central Intelligence
>    Agency and Why the Church Committee Covered It Up", Rolling Stone,
>    October 20, 1977, p.63.
>    83a. Daniel Brandt, Letter to Richard L. Harwood of The Washington
>    Post, September 15, 1988. The letter asks for the Post's rationale for
>    its policy of protecting government covert actions, and whether this
>    policy is still in effect.
>    83b. Daniel Brandt, "Little Magazines May Come and Go", The National
>    Reporter, Fall 1988, p.4. Notes the Post's protection of the identity
>    of CIA agent Joseph F.Fernandez. Brandt says, "America needs to
>    confront its own recent history as well as protect the interests of
>    its citizens, and both can be accomplished by outlawing peacetime
>    covert activity. This would contribute more to thesecurity of
>    Americans than all the counterterrorist proposals and elite strike
>    forces that ever found their way onto Pentagon wish-lists."
>    83c. Richard L. Harwood, Letter to Daniel Brandt, September 28, 1988.
>    Harwood's two- sentence letter reads, "We have a long-standing policy
>    of not naming covert agents of the C.I.A., except in unusual
>    circumstances. We applied that policy to Fernandez."
>    84. See note 79d, p.131.
>    85. Katharine Graham, "Safeguarding Our Freedoms As We Cover Terrorist
>    Acts", Washington Post, April 20, 1986, p.C1.
>    86. "conspire", ß4ßRandom House Dictionary of the English Language,
>    Second Edition Unabridged, 1987.
>    87. Howard Kurtz, "Media Notes", Washington Post, June 18, 1991, p.D1.
>    88. See note 65y.
>    89. See note 65n.
>    90. See note 65d.
>    91. William Casey, Private Communications with JCH, March 1992.
>    Richard Harwood, "What Conspiracy?", Washington Post, March 1, 1992,
>    p.C6.
>    93. p. 29-32.
>    94a. Washington Post Electronic Data Base, Dialog Information Services
>    Inc., April 25, 1992. In 1991 and 1992, the name Bill Clinton appeared
>    in 878 Washington Post stories, columns, letters, or editorials;
>    "Jerry" Brown in 485, Pat Buchanan in 303, and Larry Agran in 28. In
>    those 28, Agran's name appeared 76 times, Clinton's 151, and Brown
>    105. In only 1 of those 28 did Agran's name appear in a headline.
>    94b. Colman McCarthy, "What's 'Minor' About This Candidate?",
>    Washington Post, February 1, 1992. Washington Post columnist McCarthy
>    tells how television and party officials have kept presidential
>    candidate Larry Agran out of sight. The Post's own daily news-blackout
>    of Agran is not discussed.
>    94c. Scot Lehigh, "Larry Agran: 'Winner' in Debate With Little Chance
>    For the Big Prize", Boston Globe, February 25, 1992.
>    94d. Joshua Meyrowitz, "The Press Rejects a Candidate", Columbia
>    Journalism Review,March/April, 1992.
>    95. Ben H. Bagdikian, The Effete Conspiracy And Other Crimes By The
>    Press, NewYork: Harper and Row, 1972, p.36-7.
>    96a. 28 USC Section 455. "Any justice, judge, or magistrate of the
>    United States shall disqualify himself in any proceeding in which his
>    impartiality might reasonably be questioned." [emphasis added]
>    96b. Alpo Petfoods, Inc. v. Ralston Purina Co., 913 F2d 958 (CA DC
>    1990)..
>    96c. Monroe Freedman, "Thomas' Ethics and the Court -- Nominee 'Unfit
>    to Sit' For Failing to Recuse In Ralston Purina Case", Legal Times,
>    August 26, 1991.
>    96d. Paul D. Wilcher, "Opposition to the Confirmation of Judge
>    Clarence Thomas to become a Justice on the U.S. Supreme Court on the
>    grounds of his JUDICIAL MISCONDUCT", Letter to U.S. Senator Joseph R.
>    Biden, October 15, 1991.
>    97. Al Kamen and Michael Isikoff, "'A Distressing Turn', Activists
>    Decry What Process Has Become", Washington Post, October 12, 1991,
>    p.A1.
>    98. January 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 12, 1992, p.A1 each day.
>    99. See note 86.
>    100. Thomas W. Lippman, "Energy Lobby Fights Unseen 'Killers'",
>    Washington Post,April 1, 1992, p.A21. This article explains that
>    "representatives of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, the National
>    Association of Manufacturers and the coal, oil, natural gas, offshore
>    drilling and nuclear power industries, whose interests often conflict,
>    pledged to work together to oppose amendments limiting offshore oil
>    drilling, nuclear power and carbon dioxide emissions soon to be
>    offered by key House members".
>    101. "cartel", Webster's New Collegiate Dictionary, 1977.
>A good source on the Washington Post and Katharine Graham's attempt
>to suppress the Davis book,"Katherine The Great,", which was largely
>successful, is Carol Felsenthal's, "Power and Privilege at
>the Post, the Katharine Graham Story."
>For more information on Johnny Rosselli and Moses and Walter
>Annenberg, an excellent source is "All American Mafioso, the Johnny
>Rosselli Story," by Ed Becker and Charles Rappelye.
>An additional good short reference is "The CIA's Greatest Hits" by
>Mark Zepezauer. There you will find the reference to Carl Bernstein's
>classic "The CIA and the Media" which appeared in Rolling
>Stone on Oct. 20, 1977.
>Still another recent example of the CIA's control of the media is the
>spiking of Sally Denton's & Roger Morris' story,"THE CRIMES OF MENA"
>by Washington Post managing editor Bob Kaiser even
>though the story had been legally vetted and cleared for publication.
>Indeed the story, which details the CIA's involvement in drug
>trafficing, was already typeset and ready to go when it was killed
>withouty explanation.
>A recent example of media lies can be found in this example of a
>faked newspaper photograph.
>Serendipity's CIA page.
>Back To The Top.
>Back To The Political Page.
>Mail to: Michael Rivero


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