[IMC-NYC-Editorial] Mr.Boyd Edward Graves

[Kendall King]

Mr.Graves is currently in NYC. You may contact him at 212 491-1936 (hm)  917 
702-5171 (pgr). He is speaking tonight at the Oberia Dempsey Center 127 W. 
127th Street at 7pm. Please come if you can. After he is done we will try to 
make it down to the Nuryorican Poets Cafe' to meet with members of WBIX. 
Thank-you and contact us soon.

You didn’t just
contract AIDS.

The United States
gave it to you.





Here’s How















Exhibit 10

NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL MEMORANDUM-46

(SECRET)  MARCH 17, 1978

Interdepartmental Review Memorandum NSCM-46



TO: The Secretary of State

The Secretary of Defense

The Director of Central Intelligence

SUBJECT: Black Africa and the US Black Movement



The President has directed that a comprehensive review be made of current 
developments in Black Africa from the point of view of their possible 
impacts on the black movement in the United States.

The review should consider:

1. Long-term tendencies of social and political developments and the degree 
to which they are consistent with or contradict the US interests.

2. Proposals for durable contacts between radical African leaders and 
leftist leaders of the US black community.

3. Appropriate steps to be taken inside and outside the country in order to 
inhibit any pressure by radical African leaders and organizations on the US 
black community for the latter to exert influence on the policy of the 
Administration toward Africa.

The President has directed that the NSC Interdepartmental Group for Africa 
perform this review.  The review should be forwarded to the NSC Political 
Analysis Committee by April 20.

(Signed)

Zbigniew Brezinski



cc: The Secretary of the Treasury

The Secretary of Commerce

The Attorney General

The Chairman Joint Chiefs of Staff


(End)















SECRET: NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL INTERDEPARTMENTAL GROUP FOR
AFRICA

STUDY RESPONSE TO PRESIDENTIAL SECURITY REVIEW MEMORANDUM 1
NSCM-46

BLACK AFRICA AND THE US BLACK MOVEMENT



I. (Most text blacked out) . . .and whose importance for the United States 
is on the increase.

II. A. US INTERESTS IN BLACK AFRICA

A multiplicity of interests influences the US attitude toward black Africa.  
The most important of these interests can be summarized as follows:

1. POLITICAL

If black African states assume attitudes hostile to the US national 
interest, our policy toward the white regimes; which is a key element in our 
relations with the black states, may be subjected by the latter to great 
pressure for fundamental change.  Thus, the West may face a real danger of 
being deprived of access to the enormous raw material resources of southern 
Africa which are vital for our defense needs as well as losing control over 
the Cape Sea routes by which approximately 65% of Middle Eastern oil is 
supplied to Western Europe.

Moreover, such a development may bring about internal political difficulties 
by intensifying the activity of the black movement in the United States 
itself.

It should also be borne in mind that black Africa is an integral part of a 
continent where tribal and regional discord, economic backwardness, 
inadequate infrastructures, drought, and famine are constant features of the 
scene.  In conjunction with the artificial borders imposed by the former 
colonial powers, guerrilla warfare in Rhodesia and widespread indignation 
against apartheid in South Africa, the above factors provide the communist 
states with ample opportunities for furthering their aims.  This must 
necessarily redound to the detriment of US political interests.

2. ECONOMIC

Black Africa is increasingly becoming an outlet for US exports and 
investment.  The mineral resources of the area continue to be of great value 
for the normal functioning of industry in the United States and allied 
countries.  In 1977, US direct investment in black Africa totaled about $1.8 
billion and exports $2.2 billion.  New prospect of substantial profits would 
continue to develop in the countries concerned.

IV. BLACK AFRICA AND THE US BLACK MOVEMENT

Apart from the above-mentioned factors adverse to US strategic interests, 
the nationalist liberation movement in black Africa can act as a catalyst 
with far reaching effects on the American black community by stimulating its 
organizational consolidation and by inducing radical actions.  Such a result 
would be likely as Zaire went the way of Angola and Mozambique.  An 
occurrence of the events of 1967-68 would do grievous harm to US prestige, 
especially in view of the concern of the present Administration with human 
rights issues.  Moreover, the Administration would have to take specific 
steps to stabilize the situation.  Such steps might be misunderstood both 
inside and outside the United States.

In order to prevent such a trend and protect US national security interests, 
it would appear essential to (text missing) African Nationalist Movement.  
In elaborating US policy toward black Africa, due weight must be given to 
the fact that there are 25 million American blacks whose roots are African 
and who consciously or subconsciously sympathize with African nationalism.

The living conditions of the black population should also be taken into 
account.  Immense advances in the field are accompanied by a long-lasting 
high rate of unemployment, especially among the youth and by poverty and 
dissatisfaction with government social welfare standards.

These factors taken together may provide a basis for joint actions of a 
concrete nature by the African nationalist movement and the US black 
community.  Basically, actions would take the form of demonstrations and 
public protests, but the likelihood of
violence cannot be excluded.  There would also be attempts to coordinate 
their political activity both locally and in international organizations.

Inside the United States these actions could include protest demonstrations 
against our policy toward South Africa accompanied by demand for boycotting 
corporations and banks which maintain links with that country; attempts to 
establish a permanent black lobby in Congress including activist leftist 
radical groups and black legislators; the reemergence of Pan-African ideals; 
resumption of protest marches recalling the days of Martin Luther King Jr; 
renewal of the extremist national idea of establishing an "African Republic" 
on American soil. Finally, leftist radical elements of the black community 
could resume extremist actions in the style of the defunct Black Panther 
Party.

Internationally, damage could be done to the United States by coordinated 
activity of African states designed to condemn US policy toward South 
Africa, and initiate discussions on the US racial issue at the United 
Nations where the African representation constitutes a powerful bloc with 
about one third of all the votes.

A menace to US economic interests, though not a critical one, could be posed 
by a boycott by Black African states against American companies which 
maintain contact with South Africa and Rhodesia.  If the idea of economic 
assistance to black Americans shared by some African regimes could be 
realized by their placing orders in the United States mainly with companies 
owned by blacks, they could gain a limited influence on the US black 
community.

In the above context, we must envisage the possibility, however remote, that 
black Americans interested in African affairs may refocus their attention on 
the Arab-Israeli conflict.  Taking into account the African descent of 
American blacks, it is reasonable to anticipate that their sympathies would 
lie with the Arabs who are closer to them in spirit and in some case related 
to them by blood.  Black involvement in lobbying to support the Arabs may 
lead to serious dissension between American blacks and Jews.  The likelihood 
of extremist actions by either side is negligible, but . . ..  (Text cut 
off)

(Text returns)

3. Political options

In the context of long-term strategy, the United States can not afford a 
radical change in the fundamentals of its African policy, which is designed 
for maximum protection of national security.  In the present case, emphasis 
is laid on the importance of black Africa for US political, economic and 
military interests.

RECOMMENDATIONS

In weighing the range of US interests in black Africa, basic recommendations 
arranged without intent to imply priority are:

1. Specific steps should be taken with the help of appropriate government 
agencies to inhibit coordinated activity of the black Movement in the United 
States.

2. Special clandestine operations should be launched by the CIA to generate 
mistrust and hostility in American and world opinion against joint activity 
of the two forces, and (foster?) division among black African radical 
national groups and their leaders.

3. US embassies to black African countries especially interested in southern 
Africa must be highly circumspect in view of the activity of certain 
political circles and influential individuals opposing the objectives and 
methods of US policy toward South Africa.  It must be kept in mind that the 
failure of US strategy in South Africa would adversely affect American 
standing throughout the world.  In addition, this would mean a significant 
diminution of US influence in Africa and the emergence of new difficulties 
in our internal situation due to worsening economic prospects.

4. The FBI should mount surveillance operations against black African 
representatives and collect sensitive information on those, especially at 
the UN, who oppose US policy toward South Africa.  The information should 
include facts on their links with the leaders of the Black movement in the 
United States, thus making possible at least partial neutralization of the 
adverse effects of their activity.






V. TRENDS IN THE AMERICAN BLACK MOVEMENT

In connection with our African policy, it is highly important to evaluate 
correctly the present state of the Black movement in the Untied States and 
basing ourselves on all available information, to try to devise a course for 
its future development.  Such an approach is strongly suggested by our 
perception of the fact that American blacks form a single ethnic group 
potentially capable of causing extreme instability in our strategy toward 
South Africa.  This may lead to critical differences between the United 
States and black Africa in particular.  It would also encourage the Soviet 
Union to step up its interference in the region.  Finally, it would pose a 
serious threat to the delicate structure of race relations within the United 
States.  All the above considerations give rise to concern for the future 
security of the United States.  (Text returns) underwent considerable 
changes.

The principle changes are as follows: (remaining text lost to the right 
margin)

* -Social and economic issues have supplanted political aims as the main 
preoccupation of the movement.  (__) actions formerly planned on a 
nationwide scale are now being organized locally.

* -Fragmentation and a lack of organizational unity within movement.

* -Sharp social stratification of the Black population and lack of policy 
options which could reunite them.

* -Want of a national leader of standing comparable to Martin Luther King 
Jr.

B. THE RANGE OF POLICY OPTIONS

The concern for the future security of the United States makes necessary the 
range of policy options.  Arranged without intent imply priority they are:

(a) to enlarge programs, within the framework of the present budget, for the 
improvement of the social and economic welfare of American blacks in order 
to ensure continuing development of present trends in the Black movement;

(b) to elaborate and bring into effect a special program designed to 
perpetuate division in the Black movement and neutralize the most active 
groups of leftist radical organizations representing different social strata 
of the Black community: to encourage division in Black circles;

(c) to preserve the present climate which inhibits the emergence from within 
the Black leadership of a person capable of exerting nationwide appeal;

(d) to work out and realize preventive operations in order to impede durable 
ties between U.S Black organizations and radical groups in African states;

(e) to support actions designed to sharpen social stratification in the 
Black community which would lead to the widening and perpetuation of the gap 
between successful educated Blacks and the poor, giving rise to growing 
antagonism between different Black groups and a weakening of the movement as 
a whole;

(f) to facilitate the greatest possible expansion of Black business by 
granting government contracts and loans with favorable terms to Black 
businessmen;

(g) to take every possible means through the AFL-CIO leaders to counteract 
the increasing influence of Black labor organizations which function in all 
major unions and in particular, the National Coalition of Black Trade Union 
and its leadership including the creation of real preference for adverse and 
hostile reaction among White trade unionists to demands for improvement of 
social and economic welfare of the blacks;

(h) to support the nomination at federal and local levels of loyal black 
public figures to elective offices, to government agencies and the Court.  
This would promote the achievement of a twofold purpose...

(End)






The History of the Development of AIDS
Chapter Excerpt from “State Origin: The Evidence of the Laboratory Birth of 
AIDS”
by
Boyd E. Graves, JD


- The true history of the origin of AIDS can be traced throughout the 20th 
Century back to 1878. On April 29th of that year, the United States passed a 
“Federal Quarantine Act.”

- The United States began a significant effort to investigate “causes” of 
epidemic diseases. In 1887, the effort was enhanced with the mandate of the 
US “Laboratory of Hygiene.” Dr. Joseph J. Kinyoun, a deep-rooted racist, who 
served the eugenics movement with dedication, ran this lab.

- Two years later, in 1889, we were able to identify “mycoplasmas,” a 
transmissible agent, that is now found at the heart of human diseases, 
including (AIDS) HIV.

- In 1893, we strengthened the Federal Quarantine Act and suddenly there was 
an explosion of polio.

- In 1898, we knew we could use mycoplasma to cause epidemics, because we 
were able to do so in cattle, and we saw it in tobacco plants.

- In 1899, the US Congress began investigating leprosy in the United States.

- In 1902, We organized a “Station for Experimental Evolution” and we were 
able to identify diseases of an ethnic nature.

- In 1904, we used mycoplasma to cause an epidemic in horses.

- In 1910, we use mycoplasma to cause an epidemic in fowl/birds.

- In 1917, we formed the “Federation of the American Society for 
Experimental Biology” (FASEB).

- In 1918, the influenza virus killed millions of unsuspecting. It was a flu 
virus modified with a bird mycoplasma for which human primates had no 
“acquired immunity.”

- In 1921, lead eugenics philosopher, Betrand Russell, publicly supported 
the “necessity for ‘organized’ plagues” against the Black population.

- In 1931, we secretly tested African Americans and we tested AIDS in sheep.

- In 1935, we learned we could crystallize the tobacco mycoplasma, and it 
would remain infectious.

- In 1943, we officially began our bio-warfare program. Shortly thereafter, 
we were finding our way to New Guinea to study mycoplasma in humans.

- In 1945, we witnessed the greatest influx of foreign scientists in history 
into the US biological program. Operation Paperclip will live in infamy as 
one of the darkest programs of a twisted parallel government fixated on 
genocide.

- In 1946, the United States Navy hired Dr. Earl Traub, a notorious racist 
biologist. A May appropriation hearing confirms the existence of a “secret” 
biological weapon.

- In 1948, we know that the United States confirmed the endorsement of 
“devising a scheme” in which to address the issue of overpopulation in 
certain racial groups. State Department’s George McKennan’s memo will 
forever illuminate the eugenics mendacity necessary for genocide of millions 
of innocent people.

- In 1949, Dr. Bjorn Sigurdsson isolates the VISNA virus. VISNA is man made 
and shares some “unique DNA” with HIV. See, Proceedings of the United 
States, NAS, Vol. 92, pp. 3283-7 (April 11, 1995).

- In 1951, we now know our government conducted its first virus attack on 
African Americans. Crates in Pennsylvania were tainted to see how many Negro 
crate handlers in Virginia would acquire the placebo virus. They were also 
experimentally infecting sheep and goats. According to author Eva Snead, 
they also held their first world conference on an AIDS-like virus.

- In 1954, Dr. Bjorn Sigurdsson publishes his first paper on VISNA virus and 
establishes himself as the “Grandfather of the AIDS virus.” He will 
encounter competition from Dr. Carlton Gajdusek.

- In 1955, they were able to artificially assemble the tobacco mosaic virus. 
Mycoplasmas will forever be at the heart of the US biological warfare 
program.

- In 1957, future US president Rep. Gerald Ford and others gave the US 
Pentagon permission to aggressively deploy offensive biological agents. 
There are no recorded cases of AIDS prior to the 1957 creation of “Special 
Operation X.” [The SOX] program served as the immediate prototype program 
for the Special Virus program to begin in 1962.

- By 1960, Nikita Kruschev had been let in on the biological weapon.  His 
1960 statement will long reflect the arrogance of the secret blend of 
communism and democracy. The two countries would go to a November 1972 
agreement to cull the Black population.

- In 1961, scientist Haldor Thomar publishes that viruses cause cancer. In 
1995, he and Carlton Gajdusek informed the National Academy of Sciences that 
“the study of VISNA in sheep would be the best test for candidate anti-HIV 
drugs.”

- In 1962, under the cover of cancer research, the United States charts a 
path to commit premeditated murder, the “Special Virus” program begins on 
February 12th. Dr. Len Hayflick sets up a US mycoplasma laboratory at 
Stanford University. Many believe the “Special Virus” program began in 
November 1961 with a Pfizer contract.

- Beginning in 1963 and for every year thereafter, the “Special Virus” 
program conducted annual progress reviews at Hershey Medical Center, 
Hershey, PA. The annual meetings are representative of the aggressive nature 
in which the United States pursued the development of AIDS.

- In 1964, the United States Congress gave full support for the 
leukemia/lymphoma (AIDS) virus research.

- In 1967, the National Academy of Sciences launched a full-scale assault on 
Africa.  The CIA (Technical Services Division) acknowledged its secret 
inoculator program.

- In 1969, Fort Detrick told world scientists and the Pentagon asked for 
more money; they knew they could make AIDS. Nixon’s July 18 secret memo to 
Congress on “Overpopulation” serves as the start of the paper trail of the 
AIDS Holocaust.

- In 1970, President Nixon signed PL91-213 and John D. Rockefeller III 
became the “Population Czar.”  Nixon’s August 10th National Security Memo 
leaves no doubt as to the genocidal nature of depopulation.

- In 1971, Progress Report #8 is issued. The flowchart (pg. 61) will forever 
resolve the true laboratory birth origin of AIDS. Eventually the Special 
Virus program will issue 15 reports and over 20,000 scientific papers. The 
flowchart links every scientific paper, medical experiment, and US contract. 
  The flowchart would remain “missing” until 1999. World scientists were 
stunned.

(End)



Secret Report Reveals US Spent $550 Million to Make AIDS

(Cleveland, OH)  Boyd E. Graves, J.D. lead investigator of the Special Virus 
Flow Chart has proven the United States spent $550 million to “develop and 
proliferate” AIDS.  Graves says the 20 year secret “Special Virus” program 
is the last remaining secret of the 20th century… (See full story: 
http://www.boydgraves.com/press/120600.html)
For Immediate Release 12.6.00
Contact: 888-842-6419

(End)


If you knew AIDS was designed for you, what would you do?

In this text lies ten years of research by attorney Boyd E. Graves.  
Although consumed by the responsibility that his research brings, he is 
available to confer any/all information in and related to this handout and 
is available for seminar, radio, television and person-to-person conference.

Boyd E. Graves’ research imparts compelling, irrefutable facts of reality 
and urges all persons to investigate his web site (above).  The information 
there will provide a more comprehensive fact-based history of the true 
purpose for the development of AIDS.

Therefore, read it.  Question it.  Allow its brutal truth to lead you out of 
the delusion of palatable lies surrounding the origin of AIDS.




Correspondence

Boyd E. Graves, J.D.
PO Box 332
Abilene, KS 67410
1-800-257-9387: 8 am – 5 pm CST

Web Site

Boyd E. Graves’ Official Web site
<http://www.boydgraves.com>
See conclusive Flow Chart

Supporting References

-National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases/
National Institutes of Health
Fact Sheet: HIV/AIDS Statistics
<http://www.niad.nih.gov/factsheets/aidsstat.htm>

-AVERT.org  (AVERTing AIDS/HIV)
United States HIV & AIDS Statistics by Race, Sex & Age
<http://www.avert.org/usastatr.htm>

-The Village Voice
AIDS and Black New Yorkers
How AIDS is Hurting Black Communities: Emergency Call
<http://www.villagevoice.com/issues/0024/wright.php>

-The Body: An AIDS and HIV Information Resource
Race/Ethnicity and HIV/AIDS
<http://www.thebody.com/whatis/race.html>




(End)


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